Every assertion below is bound to registered sources and carries its own confidence. Weight them; do not treat the page as uniformly authoritative.
The author announces that he will argue both sides and says why, and the statement is worth keeping because it is the chapter's own account of its method. At §11 of libro III, capítulo XXXII of the Política Indiana, "porque la materia es tan grave, y podrà ser, que se vuelva à tratar de ella otras veces en el Consejo, quiero dexar apuntadas algunas de las muchas razones, que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto, como dixo Manilio." This entry is scoped to §§11-25, the first run of the affirmative case; §§26-38 continue it on different ground and §§39-60 answer it.
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The first argument is that the encomienda is remuneration, and that the shape of the reward should follow the shape of the service. At §12 "por la afirmativa, de los que persuaden la perpetuidad, considero en primer lugar, que supuesto, que con el premio de estas Encomiendas se trata de remunerar los servicios, que los primeros Conquistadores, y Pobladores de las Indias hicieron à nuestros Reyes, en descubrirselas, ganarselas, y poblarselas à su costa, y con tantos trabajos … parece, que es, y huviera sido justo, y conveniente, que pues estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos, y tan util, y provechosa à los mismos Reyes, que ninguna lo ha sido, ni podido ser mas … fuera assimismo perpetua la satisfacion, y remuneracion por los mismos servicios, como en los Feudos", with a singular doctrine of Baldo followed by many and reported by Tiraqueau "que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion."
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
To this he adds a passage of Seneca that makes the argument one about memory rather than about desert. At §13 "A los quales Yo añado un lugar insigne de Seneca, que enseña, que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan, pues ya se lo dexaron merecido sus antepassados, y el sol de sus glorias basta, para que sean ilustres, y resplandezcan en honra de ellas, aunque no las imiten." The argument thus concedes in its own terms that the beneficiaries of perpetuity need have no merit of their own.
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The second support is a maxim about what a privilege given for merit is, quoted in italic on the page, and an extension of it to newly conquered territory. At §14 the common opinion of countless authors, supported by texts and very solid reasons, says "Que los Privilegios, que el Rey diere por meritos, y servicios, son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa." At §15 "Burgos de Paz añade muy en nuestros terminos, que esto procede con mas fuerza, y razon, quando las tales donaciones, y remuneraciones se hicieron por Tierras, y Provincias de nuevo adquiridas, porque en ellas, ò por ocasion de ellas deben ser los Principes mucho mas liberales."
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The obvious objection is put and answered, and in answering it the author says exactly what kind of question the chapter is asking. At §16 "no obsta à esto el decir, que ya están pagados, y remunerados con las Encomiendas, que se les dieron por dos vidas, y que pues aceptaron este premio, no se les debe otra recompensa, como parece, que lo insinúan el Padre Acosta, y algunas leyes de nuestro Reyno. Porque se puede negar, que se aya hecho con ellos tal pacto en los principios de sus Conquistas: pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession", and then: "Y quando aun esso fuera verdad, aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos, cerca de conceder, ò denegar la continuacion, y perpetuidad de estas Encomiendas." The chapter is therefore a policy argument by a sitting minister, not a report of what any court or council decided.
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The argument then moves to liberality as a duty of princes, and praises the dynasty it is addressed to. At §17 "pues se trata de remuneracion, todas las leyes, y Autores ván deseando à los Principes, no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos, como ya lo he dicho en otros lugares, y lo dicen maravillosamente las de nuestras Partidas, y latissimamente Porcio, Tiraquelo, Menochio, y otros, resolviendo, que en esto nunca se peca por carta de mas, y que siempre queda en arbitrio de graves, y prudentes Varones, el estimar, si los premios equivalen à los servicios." At §18 this desire has always been greater in the House of Austria than in other princes of the world, "con que, con ser tan grande, se ha hecho mayor", as Tiberio Deciano says and after him Adam Contzen, speaking of the monarchy of Spain and sublimating it under this title "fuera de otros, à la Tyrana del gran Turco."
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The sharpest evidence offered for the affirmative is a bishop's eyewitness testimony about destitution, and it is quoted rather than summarised because it is the one empirical claim in this run. At §19 the king may judge "si los que tienen Titulos de verdaderos Conquistadores, ò Pobladores del Nuevo Orbe, ò sus descendientes, se deben tener por suficientemente remunerados con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas?", since as the politicians say "en ninguna cosa ha de temer tanto el Principe, y Señor, quedar corto, y vencido como en la liberalidad", and it is held equally culpable in them "no dar remuneracion alguna à los benemeritos, ò darsela corta." Those who lose the grant are "sin otra hacienda, de que poderse valer, y sustentar, y por el consiguiente obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta, como testifica haverlo visto muchas veces por sus ojos Fr. Juan Zapata, Obispo de Guatemala, doliendose de esta desventura con graves palabras, y concluyendo, que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos." The testimony is reported here at one remove; Zapata's own work was not opened.
confidence 0.85Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The second head of the affirmative is about incentive, and it states what the institution was for. At §20 "si el fin, è intento, à que se enderezó la introduccion de las Encomiendas, fue, (como tambien lo tengo dicho) premiar, y remunerar los benemeritos de las Indias, y animar à otros, à que con su exemplo se dispusiessen à servir, y poblar en ellas: porque estos son siempre los efectos de los premios bien repartidos … No se puede poner en duda, que lo uno, y otro se huviera conseguido, y conseguirà mejor, si passassen las Encomiendas à los descendientes de Conquistadores, y benemeritos para siempre; y no por vidas tan limitadas. Pues es llano, y enseñado tambien por el mismo Derecho, que los hombres sirven, y trabajan de ordinario, y se exponen à mayores peligros, y trabajos, mas por dexar honrados, y bien puestos, y acomodados à sus hijos, y descendientes, que à sí mismos."
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The grievance behind the argument is named, and it is a standing rule of Spanish colonial law that this corpus records elsewhere from a different chapter. At §21 the feeling is made greater in the deserving "por haverse despachado algunas Cedulas, que expressamente prohiben, que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres", against which "no suele haver cosa mas ordinaria, y regular en Derecho, que abrir facil puerta à los hijos, para que en ellos se continúen, y deriven los premios, y oficios, que tuvieron, ò exercieron sus padres, y que en estos sean ante puestos à otros, no solo de iguales; si no aun de mayores merecimientos". At §22 "Fulvio Constancio, que reprehende con razon à Matienzo, porque quiso impugnar esta continuacion de los premios, y oficios de los padres en los hijos: y dice, que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion."
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The third head is a constitutional argument about the unity of the crowns, and it ends in the chapter's bitterest quotation. At §23 "pues las Provincias de las Indias son parte de las de Castilla, y están accessoriamente unidas à ella, como es notorio", it would have been and is fitting that "como los benemeritos en las Conquistas de los Reynos de España dexaron perpetuados en sus Casas, y Descendientes los Titulos, Lugares, y otras mercedes, que recibieron por los servicios hechos en ellas … se huviera hecho, ò se haga lo mismo en las remuneraciones de estas Encomiendas, dadas à los benemeritos de las Indias, pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos". The Bishop of Guatemala is quoted for the conclusion: that these conquerors, "que por sus grandes, è ilustres hazañas, superiores algunas veces à humanas fuerzas, eran dignos de haver sido honrados, y decorados con Titulos de Duques, Marqueses, y Condes: no solo no ayan dexado estos honores, remuneraciones, y privilegios à sus hijos, y descendientes; sino antes una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento", which he says is against both commutative and distributive justice and causes them double grief. At §24 Ecclesiasticus is added on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them "vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas."
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
The last head of this run is an argument from the political economy of nobility, and it says in one line what the perpetuity party wanted the Indies to become. At §25 "assi como en España, mediante la introduccion, è institucion de los Titulos, y Mayorazgos, que he referido, se conserva el lustre, y esplendor de las Casas, y Familias nobles, y con esso tambien el del Rey, y del Reyno, y su estabilidad, y seguridad … Assi tambien huvieran estado, ò estarian mas ilustradas, ennoblecidas, y seguras las Provincias de las Indias, si en ellas se huviera guardado, ò se entablasse para adelante la imitacion de ellos en las Encomiendas, y si abundassen de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos, que se comenzaron à introducir para ennoblecerlas, poblarlas, y conservarlas, como lo dice el Padre Acosta", since nobody is ignorant "que la gloria, defensa, y conservacion de qualquier Reyno, y Provincia, consiste en tener Vassallos nobles, y ricos", as the laws of the Partidas gravely taught: "Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada; como por el contrario es señal de su acabamiento, è de la tyrania, del que los rige, si puñare de los facer pobres, y miserables."
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary
What this entry establishes and what it does not. It establishes the shape of the seventeenth century's best case for a hereditary encomienda as the standard treatise on the government of the Indies states it: that the encomienda is remuneration and that perpetual services call for perpetual satisfaction; that a privilege given for merit is by its nature real and permanent and cannot be taken away without fault; that gratitude to great men is owed to their descendants even where those descendants have no merit of their own, which the argument concedes in terms; that men labour harder to provide for their children than for themselves, so perpetuity would recruit more and better settlers; that cédulas barring regrant of a vacant encomienda to the holder's sons ran against the ordinary rule of law; that the provinces of the Indies being part of Castile should have been rewarded as Castile was, with titles and entails; and that a bishop of Guatemala testified he had repeatedly seen conquerors' descendants reduced to humble trades or to begging alms door to door. It establishes nothing about the Indians. Across these fifteen paragraphs the encomendado towns appear only as the thing granted: no Indian party, petition, town or complaint is named, the whole measure of justice applied is what the Spanish grantee and his heirs are owed, and the author states expressly at §16 that he is arguing what would be convenient rather than reporting what was done. The claim that the descendants of conquerors were destitute rests here on one bishop's reported testimony and on no figures at all.
confidence 0.9Política Indiana, libro III, capítulo XXXII, §§11-25 — the case for perpetual encomiendas argued from reward, memory and royal liberality: the author's statement of method at §11 that because the matter is grave and may be treated again in the Council he will set down some of the many reasons 'que en pro, y en contra pueden traerse, que quando se pesan con buena balanza, ayudan mucho al acierto'; the first affirmative reason at §12, that since the encomienda is the remuneration of the services the first conquerors and settlers made in discovering, winning and peopling the Indies at their own cost, and since 'estos servicios obraron causa, que produxo efectos perpetuos', the satisfaction ought likewise to be perpetual, with Baldo's doctrine reported by Tiraqueau 'que de la grandeza del servicio, se induce la perpetuidad en su remuneracion'; the passage of Seneca added at §13 'que no se ha de acabar con su vida la memoria, y gratitud, que se debe à los grandes Varones, si no estenderse por muchas edades, y continuarse en sus hijos, y descendientes, aun quando ellos por sí no lo merezcan'; the maxim at §14 that privileges given for merits and services 'son, y deben ser, no personales; sino reales, perpetuos, y permanentes, y guardados para siempre, sin que él, ni otro los pueda quitar sin culpa'; Burgos de Paz at §15 that this holds with more force where the donations were made for lands and provinces newly acquired; the objection and answer at §16, that the conquerors were already paid by two lives, answered that no such pact was made at the beginning of the conquests, 'pues no se limitaron las dos vidas; si no mucho despues por la ley de la succession', and with the author's own statement of what the chapter is about — 'aora en este, no voy tratando de lo que se ha hecho; sino de lo que conviniera, ò conviene hacer para mayor servicio del Rey, y bien de sus Reynos'; the Partidas at §17 desiring princes 'no solo liberales, sino liberalissimos', with the rule that in reward one never sins by excess and that it rests with grave and prudent men to judge whether rewards equal services; the praise of the House of Austria at §18 for making mercies and rewarding services beyond measure, set by Contzen against the tyranny of the Turk; the question at §19 whether the holders of titles of true conquerors and settlers, or their descendants, are to be held sufficiently remunerated 'con alguna Encomienda, (y por ventura ténue) que ayan gozado por una, ò dos vidas', with the maxim that in nothing should a prince fear so much to fall short as in liberality, and the testimony of Fr. Juan Zapata, Bishop of Guatemala, that he had many times seen with his own eyes the descendants of encomenderos left without means, 'obligados à ocuparse en oficios humildes, ò à mendigar, y pedir limosna de puerta en puerta', concluding 'que al passo, que ocasiona dolor, y tristeza, en los que las sufren, debe causar cuidado, y desvelo, en los que tienen à cargo el mirar por tan buenos Vassallos, y remediarlos'; the second reason at §20, that the end of the encomiendas was to reward and to encourage others by example, which would be better attained if they passed to the descendants of conquerors for ever, since men labour more to leave their children honoured than for themselves; the complaint at §21 of cédulas expressly forbidding 'que à los hijos no se les puedan volver à dar de nuevo las Encomiendas, que vacaren por muerte de sus padres', against the ordinary rule of law that opens an easy door to sons; Fulvio Constancio at §22 reproving Matienzo for impugning the continuation of offices in sons, 'que la benignidad de los Principes, y el general consentimiento de todo el Orbe, ha desterrado tan mala, y escrupulosa opinion'; the third reason at §23 that since the provinces of the Indies are part of those of Castile and accessorily united to them, what was done for the deserving of the conquests of the kingdoms of Spain, who left titles and places perpetuated in their houses, ought to have been done or be done in the remunerations of the Indies, 'pues en sí son parecidas à los Feudos, y Mayorazgos', with the Bishop of Guatemala's words that the conquerors were worthy of titles of dukes, marquises and counts and instead have left their children 'una total desnudéz, y miseria, y tan extrema necesidad, que han de mendigar de otros su propio sustento'; the sentence of Ecclesiasticus at §24 on the three things that grieve and anger the heart, among them 'vér morir de hambre, al que sirvió bien en las batallas'; and the fourth reason at §25 that as in Spain the introduction of titles and entails preserves the lustre of noble houses and with it the king's and the kingdom's stability, so the provinces of the Indies would have been more illustrated, ennobled and secure had the same been kept in them and had they abounded 'de Encomenderos ricos, y perpetuos', with the law of Partida 'Cá entonces son el Reyno, è la Camara del Rey ricos, è abondados, quando sus Vassallos son ricos, è su tierra abondada' · primary